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formation of the Duchy of Warsaw. Though Napoleon created that state from Prussian, not Russian, lands, Alexander worried that it would incite a hostile Polish nationalism, according to D.M.G. Sutherland, a history professor at the University of Maryland who has authored two books on the Napoleonic era. “Down to the present day, the love affair between the French and Polish is pretty permanent,” Sutherland said.

Napoleon, who considered Russia a natural ally since it had no territorial conflicts with France, soon moved to teach Alexander a lesson. In 1812 the French emperor raised a massive army of troops from all over Europe, the first of which entered Russia on June 24. “It was the most diverse European army since the Crusades,” Sutherland said. Estimates vary, but experts believe that at least 450,000 Grande Armée soldiers and perhaps as many as 650,000 ended up crossing the Niemen River to fight approximately 200,000 soldiers on the Russian side. By comparison, George Washington’s army during the American Revolution rarely numbered more than 10,000 or 15,000 men, explained Sheperd Paine, president of the Napoleonic Historical Society.

Napoleon’s goal was to win a quick victory that forced Alexander to the negotiating table. The Russians pulled back, however, and let the Grande Armée capture the city of Vilna on June 27 with barely a fight. In an ominous sign of things to come, an electrical storm pouring down freezing rain, hail and sleet killed a number of troops and horses that very night. To make matters worse, Grande Armée soldiers were already deserting in search of food and plunder. Nonetheless, Napoleon remained confident. “I have come once and for all to finish off these barbarians of the North,” he purportedly declared to his top military advisors. “The sword is now drawn. They must be pushed back into their ice, so that for the next 25 years they no longer come to busy themselves with the affairs of civilized Europe.”

In late July, the Russians similarly abandoned Vitebsk, setting fire to military stores and a bridge on their way out. Then, in mid-August, they retreated from Smolensk and torched that city. Many peasants, meanwhile, burned their crops to prevent them from falling into French hands. “Certainly, the scorched earth tactics were incredibly important in denying the French army sustenance,” said David A. Bell, a history

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professor at Princeton University and author of “The First Total War: Napoleon’s Europe and the Birth of Warfare as We Know It.” The summer heat had likewise become oppressive, and Grande Armée soldiers were coming down with insect-borne diseases such as typhus and water-related diseases like dysentery.

Thousands of men died while fighting at Smolensk and elsewhere. But the Russians did not truly make a stand until the September 7 Battle of Borodino, which took place just 75 miles from Moscow. That day, the French and Russians pounded each other with artillery and launched a number of charges and countercharges. Roughly three canon booms and seven musket shots rang out each second. The losses on both sides were enormous, with total casualties of at least 70,000. Rather than continue with a second day of fighting, the Russians withdrew and left the road to Moscow open.

On September 14, the Grande Armée entered the ancient capital of Moscow, only to see it too become engulfed in flames. Most residents had already escaped the city, leaving behind vast quantities of hard liquor but little food. French troops drank and pillaged while Napoleon waited for Alexander to sue for peace. No offer ever came. With snow flurries having already fallen, Napoleon led his army out of Moscow on October 19, realizing that it could not survive the winter there.

By this time, Napoleon was down to some 100,000 troops, the rest having died, deserted or been wounded, captured or left along the supply line. Originally he planned a southerly retreat, but his troops were forced back to the road they took in after a replenished Russian army engaged them at Maloyaroslavets. All forage along that route had already been consumed, and when the army arrived at Smolensk it found that stragglers had eaten the food left there. Horses were dying in droves, and the Grande Armée’s flanks and rear guard faced constant attacks. To top it off, an unusually early winter set in, complete with high winds, subzero temperatures and lots of snow. On particularly bad nights, thousands of men and horses succumbed to exposure. Stories abound of soldiers splitting open dead animals and crawling inside for warmth, or stacking dead bodies in windows for insulation. “Things got bad very quickly,” Paine said. “It was a constant attrition.”

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In late November, the Grande Armée narrowly escaped complete annihilation when it crossed the frigid Berezina River, but it had to leave behind thousands of wounded. “From then on, it was almost every man for himself,” Paine said. On December 5, Napoleon left the army under the command of Joachim Murat and sped toward Paris amid rumors of a coup attempt. Nine days later, what little remained of the Grande Armée’s rear guard stumbled back across the Niemen River.

Emboldened by the defeat, Austria, Prussia and Sweden re-joined Russia and Great Britain in the fight against Napoleon. Although the French emperor was able to raise another massive army, this time it was short on both cavalry and experience. Napoleon won some initial victories against his enemies, but he suffered a crushing defeat in October 1813 at the Battle of Leipzig. By the following March, Paris had been captured and Napoleon was forced into exile on the island of Elba. In 1815 Napoleon made one more attempt to take power but was overcome at the Battle of Waterloo. “Charles XII tried it, Napoleon tried it, Hitler tried it,” Bell said. “It never seems to work out invading Russia.”

8.Изучите статью о роли Отто фон Бисмарка в объединении Германии 1871 года. Какие черты характерны для личности «железного канцлера»?

9.Покажите единство целей, средств и стратегий в международной и внутренней политике Бисмарка?

http://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/higher/history/nationalism/unification

/revision/1/

Bismarck and unification

German States, 1815

During the early nineteenth century, Prussia was the only German state that could match the power and influence of the Austrian Empire. They were comparable in terms of size, population and wealth. Austria opposed the idea of German unification as it saw this as a threat to its own empire. Although they were a minority, there was a significant percentage of German-speakers in the empire. If they broke away to join a unified Germany, Austria would be smaller and weaker. To this end, Prussia and Austria were rivals.

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The master plan?

The man who did most to unite the German states was Otto Von Bismarck. He was the Prussian Chancellor and his main goal was to strengthen even further the position of Prussia in Europe. His primary aims were to unify the north German states under Prussian control; weaken Prussia's main rival, Austria, by removing it from the Bund; make Berlin the centre of German affairs – not Vienna, strengthen the position of the King of Prussia; William I, to counter the demands for reform from the Liberals in the Prussian parliament (the Reichstag).

Isolating Austria

Bismarck knew Austria was a major obstacle to unification. To succeed in his aims war seemed inevitable. Before he fought the powerful Austrian empire, however, he needed to weaken its position in Europe.

Prussia refused to help Poland when it rebelled against Russian control. Bismarck then formed a powerful alliance with Russia.

Bismarck then formed another key alliance with France. In a meeting with Napoleon III, he promised to support France in its plans to invade and control Belgium.

Bismarck also struck a deal with Italy. Italy promised to help Prussia in any war against Austria, providing Austria were the aggressor and Italy gained Venezia in return.

Schleswig-Holstein 1864 – 65 and the Seven Weeks War

Bismarck got his excuse for a war against Austria during a territorial dispute over two small German states, Schleswig and Holstein. These were under the control of Denmark but not technically a part of it.

In 1863, the King of Denmark declared Schleswig and Holstein to be a part of Denmark.

In 1864, Prussia and Austria teamed up and declared war on Denmark. They won easily.

Bismarck then engineered a treaty with Austria (the Treaty of Gastein) which he knew was unlikely to work. Prussia was to control

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Schleswig and Austria would control Holstein. This treaty was designed to provoke, since Austrians would have to go through a hostile Prussia to reach Holstein.

The Austrians tried to use their influence in the German Bund to pressure Prussia to address the Schleswig-Hostein issue.

The Bund backed Austria in the dispute over Schleswig-Holstein.

In response, Prussia said that the Bund was invalid, declared war on Austria and invaded the German states of Hanover, Hesse and Saxony.

The Austrians were quickly defeated by the Prussian army during the Seven Weeks War, with the help of Italy.

Bismarck's plan to isolate Austria was working. As a result of the Seven Weeks War:

Prussia kept all the territories it had captured.

A North German Confederation was set up under the control of

Prussia.

A federal Diet (parliament) was established for the states in this North German Confederation. The Diet would be elected and each state could keep its own laws and customs.

The southern German states formed their own independent confederation.

Austria promised to stay out of German affairs.

Austria paid compensation to Prussia but did not lose land to it. Prussia did not want to weaken Austria too much since it might be a useful ally in the future against Prussia's enemies.

Isolating France

With Austria weakened, Bismarck now turned his attention to the other great stumbling block to unification – the French. France had watched Prussia's growing power with alarm. As he had with Austria, Bismarck tried to weaken France as much as possible before war started.

Officially, Russia was an ally of France but Bismarck used diplomacy to make sure Russia stayed out of the up-coming war.

Bismarck also made sure Italy stayed neutral and wouldn't fight for France.

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Bismarck gambled that the British would stay out of the war since it didn't want France to become any more powerful than it already was.

Franco Prussian war 1870–1871

Bismarck found his excuse for war when Spain offered its vacant crown to a relative of the Prussian King, William I.

France was outraged since it didn't want Prussia to become more powerful. The French insisted King William make his relative refuse the crown. King William refused to guarantee this.

Bismarck used the King's refusal as a way to provoke the French. He published a heavily edited and provocative telegram, known as The Ems Telegram, of the King's refusal, making it seem he had insulted the French ambassador. The French Emperor, responding to fury from the French press and public, declared war on Prussia.

In the Franco-Prussian war, France was heavily defeated and its ruler, Napoleon III, was overthrown by a French rebellion.

Unification achieved

In the build up to war, the southern confederate German states voluntarily joined the Prussian-controlled Northern German Confederation. Germany was now unified.

The Treaty of Frankfurt

As a result of the Franco-Prussian war, France lost the territory of Alsace-Lorraine on its border with Germany. It also had to pay Germany £200 million in compensation. A new imperial constitution was set up within the now unified German states, with William I as Emperor (Kaiser) and Prussia firmly in control.

Summary – Bismarck's contribution to unification

Economic co-operation meant that unification may have happened eventually anyway, but Bismarck made sure that it happened.

He made sure that the army reforms took place.

He successfully isolated other countries by making them look like aggressors.

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He made Prussia appear to be the defender of the German states and protector of their rights.

10. Прочитайте статью из «Washington Post» об Аврааме Линкольне. Выпишите ключевые слова по следующим темам:

Личность Авраама Линкольна

Гражданская война в Америке

история Вашингтона

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/11/05/ AR2010110502725.html?sid=ST2010111103243

President-elect Lincoln arrived to a less-than-monumental Washington

By Brady Dennis

Washington Post Staff Writer, Sunday, November 7, 2010

On the cool autumn Tuesday that Abraham Lincoln would be elected president, the Washington Evening Star reprinted on its front page a dispatch from a British reporter covering a recent visit by the prince of Wales, the future King Edward VII.

"The Prince has arrived in this strange city, whose streets of ill-built houses connect to the most noble public buildings, and where one has to admire the city as a city always in the future tense," the London Times correspondent wrote of Washington. "It will and must in history be one of the greatest capitals the world has seen, but as yet it seems to want a deal of building, alterations, and improvements, before it can be a worthy legislative center of this great empire."

If anything, the reporter was too sanguine in his description. The city that awaited Lincoln that fall remained a far cry from the populous, gleaming capital that it would become after – and largely because of – the Civil War. It was, as author Margaret Leech wrote in her Pulitzer Prize-winning book, "Reveille in Washington, 1860-1865," "a mere ambitious beginner, a baby among capitals."

"Built to order at the dawn of the century, it gave after sixty years the impression of having been just begun," she wrote. "Washington was merely a place for the government. It was an idea set in a wilderness."

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That wilderness was a dirty and disagreeable swamp of a place, where pigs and cattle roamed freely, where alleys reeked with the stench of raw sewage, where dysentery and diarrhea inflicted their annual toll, where saloons and brothels and gambling parlors easily outnumbered restaurants and theaters. The unpaved streets stayed muddy in the winter and dusty in the summer, always marked with ruts from wagons and carriages and always littered with the manure of the horses that pulled them.

The Capitol dome was three years from completion, and herds of cattle grazed at the stump of the Washington Monument, which sat less than a third finished. The handful of grandiose structures, among them the White House, the Treasury Building and the Smithsonian Institution, sat amid vast open spaces largely unpopulated and uncultivated.

There were islands of social life, such as dinner parties in the dignified mansions of Georgetown and grand cotillions on Capitol Hill and by the Navy Yard. At Willard's Hotel at 14th Street and Pennsylvania Avenue, society women and boisterous men mingled in the smoke-filled bar, and much of the business of government took place in hushed conversations. But mostly, Washington remained a backwater. Diplomats from Europe considered it a hardship post.

"It was a Southern town, without the picturesqueness, but with the indolence, the disorder and the want of sanitation," Leech wrote. "Its lounging Negroes startled Northern visitors with the reminder that slaves were held in the capital. Hucksters abounded. Fish and oyster peddlers cried their wares and tooted their horns on the corners. Flocks of geese waddled on [Pennsylvania] Avenue, and hogs, of every size and color, roamed at large, making their muddy wallows on Capitol Hill and in Judiciary Square. People emptied slops and refuse in the gutters."

The 1860 Census counted 75,080 souls in the District of Columbia, including 61,000 in the city proper, 8,700 in the separate village of Georgetown and the remainder in the rural areas of the district, which began just north of Florida Avenue. Nearly a quarter of Washington's residents came from Virginia or Maryland, and even the city's natives often had strong ties to families from the surrounding Southern countryside. Most of the city's 12,484 immigrants came from Ireland and Great Britain, although a few had ventured from as far as Australia,

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Russia and Turkey. The vast majority of residents were white, though more than 3,000 slaves and more than 11,000 "free colored" people called Washington home.

"Poverty, squalor, prejudice, and violence" existed in abundance, author Constance McLaughlin Green wrote in her exhaustive history, "Washington: Village and Capital, 1800-1878." "Class distinctions were clear-cut, but a family's place in the social structure of the city rested less upon money than upon accomplishments and manners . . . Whatever the community's vices, pretentiousness was not one."

The fledgling city consisted of bakers and blacksmiths, fishermen and farmers, carpenters and government clerks. There were three veterinarians, six undertakers, 17 milkmen, 67 innkeepers, 148 doctors, 180 lawyers and 242 tailors. Smith's on Seventh Street sold the season's latest hats and caps. Charles Shafer worked in his watch shop, not far from the Washington Carriage Factory, which was on D Street between Ninth and 10th. Benter's Restaurant on C Street advertised its fish and oysters, as well as its wine, liquor and cigars. The studio in which Mathew Brady would photograph the most famous faces of the Civil War was already up and running in a building on Pennsylvania Avenue, halfway between the White House and the Capitol.

But despite the growing bustle, it remained "a pretty sleepy place," said Ernest B. Furgurson, a former Baltimore Sun correspondent and author of 2004's "Freedom Rising: Washington in the Civil War." "It really was not as cosmopolitan as a lot of other cities in the country. It was still very much a place under development."

In the years ahead, according to Senate historian Donald A. Ritchie, that development would come rapidly. The city's population swelled as the war deepened. The government grew exponentially. The number of hospitals multiplied. Houses rose on once-empty blocks. Soldiers flooded the city and its surrounding areas, even sleeping inside the Capitol and drilling on the grounds as they rehearsed for the bloody battles ahead.

Washington would emerge from the Civil War a transformed city, significantly larger and more populated than before. But the transformation went beyond bricks and mortar. The war solidified

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Washington's role as the symbolic heart of the country, the permanent capital of a united nation.

"It made it pretty much what it is today," Furgurson said. "If there was going to be a slow metamorphosis, the war sped that up by many decades."

The inhabitants of Washington that fall of 1860 could not have grasped the change and upheaval ahead. But they did know that the papers brimmed with talk of secession, and fiery debates raged in the halls of Congress, and a cloud of uneasiness and anxiety loomed over the city.

In her house near Lafayette Square, Elizabeth Lindsay Lomax fretted over the prospects of war as the snow blanketed Washington that December. The descendant of an old Virginia family, she was the daughter of a Revolutionary War veteran and the mother of a son four years out of West Point.

"In the background is the terrible feeling of uncertainty – and fear. Fear of separation, fear of danger to those we love, fear for our beloved country," she wrote in her diary.

On a cold Christmas Day, her family gathered over a dinner of a magnificent wild turkey, which had been delivered from Virginia. The young people opened presents and danced deep into the night.

"I do not think that [they] realize as yet 'The sword of Damocles' hanging over our heads," Lomax wrote. "Perhaps it is just as well."

Тема 7 Международные отношения России

впервой половине XX века

1.Ознакомьтесь с хронологической таблицей важных для международных отношений исторических событий в первой половине XX века. Какое значение они имели для России?

2.Проведите ивент-анализ наиболее важных, по вашему мнению, событий.

3.Какие ключевые понятия связаны с данными событиями?

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