66b9uk5yPH
.pdfискусства»: «Опрятный воздушный размер / В объёме пространства играет…» (22). Однако, Филиппов ещё и философ, стихотворение «Пленэр настроения»: «Фундамент лучезарной формы / Объёмы разные рисует. / Пространство мастерства платформы / На тонком опыте бытует…» (20). Поэзию Филиппова, а опубликована только её малая часть, по крайней мере то, что нам доступно, можно охарактеризовать как философскую лирику, тонкие зарисовки пейзажа и настроения. Для Михаила Филиппова
– поэта понятие «пленэр» не только профессиональный термин художника, но и по-настоящему ощущение воздуха. Это не только пребывание на открытом воздухе, но и наблюдение за ним и переживание воздушного пространства, что, на наш взгляд, достаточно глубоко передаёт ощущение Арктики, где он и жил. У Филиппова нет прямых обращений к Арктике, нет прямого называния её, видимо, потому что местность в центре Кольского полуострова, где он родился, а потом жил и работал, им как Арктика не воспринималась. У нас вся Мурманская область до недавнего времени имела абсолютно художественные эпитеты – Крайний Север, Кольское Заполярье, Советское Заполярье. Об Арктике ни слова. Однако, поэтическое ощущение, переданное в стихах, гораздо важнее различных идеологических и политических установок и конъюнктур.
Второй пример. Нам попалось любопытное наблюдение английских моряков XVIII века, зимовавших на Новой Земле. «Мы скоро заметили, что при разговоре друг с другом у нас многие слова терялись, и мы не могли слышать друг друга на расстоянии немногим поболее двух ярдов… После долгого недоумения я наконец узнал, что наши слова замерзали в воздухе… Наконец, по перемене ветра, окружавший нас воздух начал таять. Наша избушка тотчас наполнилась каким-то сухим, трескучими звуками, о которых я после узнал, что это был треск от согласных букв…» [Захарова, c. 59].
Так, возможно, была обнаружена и обозначена энтелехия Арктики – не водная стихия и даже не воздушная, не мороз и не холод, а недостаток тепла, который может до последнего сохраняться в дыхании живого. Объяснение этой энтелехии простое. Все перечисленные виды стихий, мороз и холод – это не выдумка человека, а природные явления и состояния. А вот название «Арктика» - это изобретение человека, как и недостаток тепла – это ощущение человека. Однако, понятие «Арктика» переполнено естественнонаучным знанием и ощущается абсолютный недостаток гуманитарного. Поэтому, с точки зрения эпистемологии, будем настаивать, что, всё же, Арктика равна воздушной стихии. Если энтелехия Арктики, может быть, недостаток тепла, то основная и естественная внетекстовая реальность, которую глубоко прочувствовают и пере-живают поэты и прозаики, перерабатывают и предлагают читателю, как основной концепт своих текстов, проявляют его в символах и аллегориях, – это воздушная стихия во множественности её проявлений. Кроме того, на
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двойственность существа «онто» обращал внимание М. Хайдеггер. «Промедлительное при-сутствует из сочинения между происхождением и отходом. Они присутствуют в «про-меж» некоего двоякого отсутствия. Про-медлительные присутствуют в от- и досвоего про-медления. Они при-сутствуют как в настоящем присутствующее. Ввиду своего промедления дают они угоду, а именно, одно промедлительное другому» [Хайдеггер, c.59].
Таким образом, состояние мурманских текстов, как пограничных элементов, весьма неустойчивое. Граница между Северным текстом русской литературы, образованная, в частности, мурманскими текстами, и контурами арктического сверхтеста, который только нарождается, расплывчатая и размытая, как туман над рекой… туман, как атмосферное явление, скопление воды в воздухе, который уже не вода, но ещё не до конца воздушная среда.
Если наша гипотеза окажется верной и основной феноменологической составляющей арктического сверхтекста является воздушная стихия, которая бессознательно принята и интуитивно пережита авторами, онтологически отражается и будет вопроизводиться в последующих текстах, что приведёт к артикуляции авторами как сотериологического, так и эвдемонического пути развития человека и его духовного роста, то в обозримом будущем арктический сверхтекст состоится как явление в русской литературе. Нас же в большей степени будет интересовать, с точки зрения социологии, каким образом появление арктического сверхтекста отразят созданные необратимые условия не столько покорения, освоения и изучения Арктики, сколько регулярной жизни не колонистов, не поколения «новых кочевников» и идущим им во след полчищ «духовных сирот», а поколений арктических людей, арктического сообщества.
Литература
1.Галимова Е.Ш. Специфика Северного текста русской литературы как локального сверхтекста [Электронный ресурс] // Вестник Северного (Арктического) федерального университета. Сер. Гуманитарные и социальные науки, 2012. № 1. С. 121-129; То же: URL: https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/spetsifika-severnogo-teksta-russkoy- literatury-kak-lokalnogo-sverhteksta (дата обращения: 02.12.2018).
2.Захарова Н.Н. Описание Русского Севера и Сибири в английской литературе и журналистике XVIII века // Северный и Сибирский тексты русской литературы как сверхтексты: типологическое и уникальное. Архангельск: ИД САФУ, 2014. С. 48-60.
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3.Коржов Д.В. Город между морем и небом. Мурманск: Опимах 2015.
192 с.
4.Лошаков А.Г. О принципах семантической организации локальных и именных сверхтекстов // Северный текст русской литературы. Вып. 4: Структура и контекст. Архангельск: КИРА, 2018. С. 5-22.
5.Лошаков А.Г. Сверхтекст: семантика, прагматика, типология: автореф. дисс. … докт. филол. наук: 10.02.01. М., 2008. 65 с.; То же [Электронный ресурс] // disserCat – электронная библиотека диссертаций, 2009. URL: http://www.dissercat.com/content/sverkhtekst- semantika-pragmatika-tipologiya (дата обращения: 02.12.2018).
6.Меднис Н. Е. Сверхтексты в русской литературе [Электронный ресурс] // Книжный развал. Книжное обозрение. URL: http://rassvet.websib.ru/text.htm?no=35&id=3 (дата обращения: 02.12.2018).
7.Сергеев А.М. Мышление и язык: метафизическое сопряжение: сборник философских эссе / пер. на англ. яз. А. В. Копылова. Мурманск: Мурм. кн. изд-во, 2016. 224 с.
8.Топоров В.Н. Петербургский текст / отд-ние ист.-филол. наук РАН.
М.: Наука, 2009. 820 с.
9.Филиппов М.Н. Пространство воздушного плёса. Мурманск: Фонд сохранения и поддержки культуры Севера «Варзуга», 2015. 32 с.: ил.
10.Хайдеггер М. Изречение Анаксимандра // Разговор на просёлочной дороге: пер. с нем. / под ред. А. Л. Доброхотова. М. Высш. шк., 1991. C. 28-68.
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РАЗДЕЛ 4.
ОТ ИСТОРИИ К ПОЛИТИКЕ: КАК ТЕОРЕТИЧЕСКИЕ КОНЦЕПЦИИ ПОВЛИЯЛИ НА ПОРТУГАЛЬСКИЙ ВНЕШНЕПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ ПРАКСИС
SECTION 4.
FROM HISTORY TO POLITICS: HOW THEORETICAL CONCEPTIONS INFLUENCED PORTUGUESE FOREIGN POLITICAL PRAXIS
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УДК 1(091) ББК 87.3
T. Nunes
School of Arts and Humanities University of Lisbon Lisbon, Portugal
LOOKING AT HISTORY: BUILDING NEW ALLIANCES OVER OLD PREMISES
Abstract. The article examines the key ideas of the Portuguese liberal historiography of the 19th century, regarding national identity and its relation with the contexts of the emergence of Portugal as a nation-state.
Key words: nation-state, sovereignty, British Alliance, Alexandre Herculano, Oliveira Martins, Basilio Teles, Brito Camacho, José de Macedo.
Т. Нуниш
Школа искусств и гуманитарных наук Университет Лиссабона Гь о . Лиссабон, Португалия
ВЗГЛЯД НА ИСТОРИЮ: НОВЫЕ АЛЬЯНСЫ НА СТАРЫХ ПРЕДПОСЫЛКАХ
Аннотация. В статье рассматриваются ключевые идеи португальской либеральной историографии XIX века, касающиеся национальной идентичности и ее связи с контекстом появления Португалии как национального государства.
Ключевые слова: национальное государство, суверенитет, Британский альянс, Александр Эркулано, Оливейра Мартинш, Базилиу Телеш, Бриту Камачо, Жозе де Маседу.
Introduction
As 19th century ended, Portuguese political elites found themselves emerging on a large-scale debate over national foreign interests and preferable alliances to guarantee Portuguese sovereignty. Undoubtedly, the liberal regime was partially founded upon the strategic concepts conceived, for several centuries, by absolute monarchy and subsequently followed ancient diplomatic patterns. Some attempts were made to innovate Portuguese ability to promote national growth and, at the same time, to reach colonial consolidation or to achieve more reliable ties with European powers.
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Those were the cases illustrated by Portuguese left-wing executives, between 1836 and 1842, characterized by protectionist measures which implied a confrontation with Great Britain, but also with United States of America and
Spain. Also, Progressive Party’s aim to build a national diplomatic architecture based on new allies – France and German Empire – in order to avoid Portuguese dependence from British Alliance, in 1888. In this case, the efforts to impose some distance from Great Britain and to project an image of truly national independence had dramatic consequences.
The British Ultimatum, presented to Portugal on January 11th 1890, revealed the extent of Portuguese isolation on the European context – since neither France nor German Empire show any will to intervene on Portuguese behalf – and the potential repercussion of the disruption between both partners to national interests in African continent. As financial crisis grew, on the beginning of 1890s, the prospects of a foreign intervention strengthened; public opinion seemed restless and revolutionary thoughts, stimulated by Portuguese
Republican Party’s propaganda, were materialized threatening monarchical regime: on January 31st 1891, a republican insurrection tried to implement a new form of regime, inspired on French 3rd Republic.
In this context, a key question was formulated – since when British Alliance became so crucial to Portugal? How Portugal could interrupt the chain of dependence from Great Britain? Which allies were preferable to Portuguese interests? And, the most important issue, what were strategic priorities and longtime objectives to Portuguese Nation-State?
Looking at History, establishing artificial borders and natural adversaries
During the 19th century, Portuguese liberal historiography showed huge influence from the historical perspectives presented by Alexandre Herculano (1810-1877). Writer, poet, journalist and historian, Herculano played an active role on Portuguese civil war (1826-1834) as part of Liberal Army. Forced to exile, for political reasons, the Author reinforced his knowledge on European liberal trends, especially those debated in France. As liberal came definitely to power, in 1834, Alexandre Herculano considered himself as member of liberal left wing, expressing frontal opposition to Regenerator Party, often defined as conservative, formed in 1851 to support Duke of Saldanha’s executive, after the military coup led by this noble, high rank official, to forced Count of Tomar to demission.
Precisely, as Tomar began to ruled, in 1842, Herculano initiated an important reflexion published in Revista Universal Lisbonense. Based on the pursuit of understanding the nature and repercussion of historical science, the
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author aimed also to determine accurate historical methodologies and key research topics to address in order to understand Portuguese existence and sovereignty. The first of Herculano’s Cartas/ Letters, April 7th 1842, defined the meaning of national history as a talk at home, by the fire place, with relatives, regarding the lost one’s memories which contributes to enlarge ties and affections. In this perspective, nation’s history allowed the present to know and learn to admire previous generations, their works and sacrifice. On the other hand, to acknowledge historical evolution of a nation provide a unique perspective on the national components, the process by which different groups constitute an union such as the existing geographical and political conditions as national identity and community were formed .
To Herculano, Portugal constitute a remarkable case study for being a small community which inhabited a territory characterized by the lack of geographic elements which could result into natural borders with other political realities during Medieval Ages, such as with the outcome of political reconfiguration taking place in Iberian Peninsula in Modern Ages. Nevertheless, Portugal was well succeeded in keeping intact its individuality and the control over its territory, two aspects explained by the internal cohesion between its members. Attending to traditional thesis over national independence, the historian didn’t recognize any consubstantial contributions regarding the marriage between the French Knight Henrique and Teresa, King of Lyon’s daughter. On the other hand, the author refused the notion of a continuous conflict, dividing Arab and Christian civilizations in Iberian context.
In alternative, Herculano, adopting the perspectives inserted in Historia Compostelana, showed huge efforts in demonstrating how Portuguese identity was forged out of a general rebellion against the ruling order imposed by Lyon. Far from a strict spontaneous nature, the historian argued that the independence process was carefully planned by Count Henrique since 1106, benefiting from the scenario of civil war which followed the divorce of Afonso, king of Aragon and Urraca, queen of Lyon. The alliance system then established by Count Henrique and, afterwards by his son, the first king of Portugal, fulfilled a pragmatic purpose: the proximity of Lyon’s adversaries – in Iberian Peninsula or even in Europe.
Four years later, the historian reinforced some of those ideas in his História de Portugal. Attending to a main historical premise – Portugal began effectively with its separation from Lyon – the author emphasised the importance of external relations within Iberian Peninsula, as the League of Navarra, Aragon and Portugal, to oppose Lyon, and in European continent, granting especial relevance to the alliances with France, Denmark and England.
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Since, according to the Author, Portuguese identity was a direct consequence of a continuous belligerence held in three different levels – the war against Lyon, the military confrontation with peninsular muslin kingdom and the internal conflicts to overcome Church’s resistance as a new political elite emerged, the changes occurred on Iberian’s balance of powers during 13th and
14th centuries, even before the formation of a homogenous great state – Spain – brought a renewal and an undisputable relevance to British Alliance. The European dynamics forged by the Hundred Years War allowed maritime and Atlantic nations – as Portugal and England – to constitute a military alliance, signed in June 16th 1373, the Westminster Treaty.
Almost a decade later, the alliance was tested with Portuguese dynasty crisis (1383-1385). The beginning of Portuguese Avis dynasty proved undoubtedly how Portugal managed to achieve land borders stability while considered new territorial enlargements, in Northern Africa. The control of the Mediterranean entrance meant a significant strategic position for Portugal in European terms: would enable the western Christian kingdom to establish maritime peace to Southern Europe, a task which value peripheral areas in military terms. On the other hand, Portugal stretched the political distance with
Rome by presented itself as an active asset for crusade’s project.
In this sense, to Alexandre Herculano, Portuguese 15th century expansion in African continent was inserted on a national European strategy which relied on British Alliance to strength the nation position regarding the Atlantic front while provided the opportunity of demonstrating Portuguese sovereignty on African areas with strategic importance to European nations, especially the Spanish realities.
Quite known to national elites, and controversial since Herculano stated medieval period, considered until the end of João II reign, as Portuguese Golden
Age and not the following Renaissance associated to the notion of Portuguese decadence, the author’s historical thesis on collective identity, borders, adversaries and preferable allies would be broadly analysed during the 1860. The rise of Iberism – political theory favour to the union of both Iberian kingdoms under a single crowned head – initiated a considerable debate on benefits and disadvantages of inverting Portuguese foreign policies and turn old adversaries into new allies. As Herculano was concerned, 19th century Spain still meant a danger of dissolution to Portuguese institutional framework, not inspired by the European trends observed in German and Italian spaces neither persuaded of the advantages of a convergence between natural and political borders in Iberian Peninsula, by creating a unique state.
In these context and discussions, Joaquim Pedro de Oliveira Martins (1845-1894) stood on the other side of the barricade during the 1870s; to the
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Author, well informed on Spanish economic potentials, the connexion would represent an important contribution to overcome national decadence, a key notion inherited from Herculano’s thoughts. Without questioning the British alliance for national interests, Oliveira Martins drew a complex sketch regarding
Portuguese liberal experience, after João VI death, in 1826, particularly critic as England’s position was concerned. In his Portugal Contemporâneo , published in
1881, Martins defined Portuguese oldest ally as the effective national ruler during the royal family stay in Brazil (to where was forced to leave because of 1807 French Invasion). Consequently, neither the 1820 Liberal Revolution – also against British predominance in Portuguese affaires – nor the following 1822 Constitution was well accepted by England – suspended in the following year after an absolutist attempt coup.
Far from an exclusively internal problem, King João VI death transformed
Portugal into a potential conflict between Spain, supporting Queen Carlota
Joaquina’s aspirations to absolute monarchy, Austrian Empire, sponsoring prince Miguel, also absolutist, exiled in Vienna since 1824, and England, struggling to regain control over Portuguese authorities and, simultaneously, to achieve a privilege understanding with France, under Spanish and Austrian pressure for the same reason . To Martins, British military intervention, occurred in the winter of 1826, constituted an answer to England’s interests in Europe, mainly to oppose French’s influence in Iberian Peninsula. For this reason, although the belligerence’s outcome favoured the immediate implementation of the Constitutional Chart (1826), the presence of allied foreign troops drove Portuguese people apart from King Pedro IV. In Martins’s view, the succession, Queen Maria II, was also affected by the pernicious effects of British influence, which turned to be one of the main factors for the unpopular crowned head and for the second civil war (1846-1487).
In this sense, 19th century political evolution provided new perspectives over belligerence and preferable allies: if Herculano considered war as a founding experience, able to provide a small community with national identity and territorial artificial borders based on British alliance, to Martins, European context after Napoleonic Empire granted Portugal a fragile status in which the previous diplomatic instruments lost efficiency – Portuguese borders were kept according the interests of foreign powers and not being able to escape to British’s influence, Portuguese people considered it not an alliance but an act of constant coercion and a threat to national sovereignty .
Reading historical premises – Political perspectives for a new Portuguese Diplomacy
Late 19th century authors, especially republicans, embodied seriously the threats represented by British Empire. Since 1879, the colonial issues played a
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key role in republican propaganda, particularly well succeeded in two relevant aspects: to promote internal cohesion to the political movement divided between different ideological orientations – the radicals, federalist inspired and willing to revolutionary means to achieve the Republic, and the moderates, sharing a gradualist perception of the political process – and to recruit the public opinion, a task accomplished in Lisbon, Oporto and Coimbra.
The 1890 British Ultimatum constituted a new phase to Republican Party; the Northern group, based in Oporto, understood the public demonstrations against Great Britain as an ideal opportunity to operate an institutional change through a military coup sponsored politically. In this sense, as Basílio Teles
(1856-1923) described, the Ultimatum represented a turning point: The Republican Party grew popular within the lower social classes, favouring external projection of a segregated society. As Republicans reached new levels of popularity, monarchical parties especially those opposing the executive, made adjustments in their positions and messages to achieve a different public image. In this process, Portuguese diplomatic options and British Alliance concentrated the main attention, accompanied by critics to government’s decisions in negotiating Modus Vivendi and new treaties regarding colonial’s borders, corroborating republican views.
The northern republican group, supported by part of Lisbon republican elite, replied with the insurrectional atmosphere with a revolutionary attempt on January 31st 1891. The monarchical regime reacted, repressing both civilian and military elements, imprisoned or forced to exile. The second option was the fate of Basilio Teles, accommodated in Brazil, after a harsh staying in Spain. For this republican author, particularly eminent in the following years, the national crisis was explained by several factors. On a long term, economic difficulties were the product of inefficient structural reforms in sensible areas such land tenures, tax system, credit institutions devoted to farming activities or the national dependence from British financial and maritime resources, crucial to monetary stability or the connections between Lisbon and the Portuguese Empire.
To Teles, the British Alliance functioned as a primarily cause to Portuguese decadence since the 17th century; according to the author, the Braganza Dynasty, implemented in 1640 with the support of Great Britain, through territorial and commercial concessions. Once applied, this Treaty deepened national fragilities caused by an early maritime expansion which caused the lost of demographic resources, needed to developed the internal settlement and Portuguese agriculture. Since the colonial Empire was under dispute, attending the German, Belgium, French and British interests, Teles found monarchical regime prevalence a threat to Portuguese sovereignty survival. Not strangely, the author chosen to establish several comparisons between Portugal and Egypt, transformed into a British protectorate in 1882.
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