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15.MATOS, Sérgio Campos, Historiografia e memória nacional (18461898), Lisbon, Edições Colibri, 1998, p. 182.
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Lisbon, Edições 70, 2017.
17.PIERPAOLI JR., Paul G., “Obrenović, Milan (1854-1901)” in War in the Balkans: An Ecnyclopedic History from the Fall of the Ottoman Empire to the Breakup of Yugoslavia, Santa Barbara, ABC-CLIO, 2014, p. 209.
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УДК 1(091) ББК 87.3
S.M. Carvalho
School of Arts and Humanities University of Lisbon Lisbon, Portugal
LUSO-BRASILEIRISM THOUGHT BY THE REPUBLICAN BETTENCOURT RODRIGUES AND HIS EXERCISE IN THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: (UN)ESTRANGED BORDERS
BETWEEN “SISTER NATIONS”
Abstract. The article examines the luso-brasileirism as a historical concept, involving the integration of Portugal and Brazil. While the concept has different interpretations, attention is paid to the specific case of Bettencourt Rodrigues and his doctrine of international relations.
Key words: Portugal, Brazil, Luso-brasileirism, international relations, Bettencourt Rodrigues.
С.М. Карвалью
Школа искусств и гуманитарных наук Университет Лиссабона г. Лиссабон, Португалия
ЛУЗО-БРАЗИЛИЕРИЗМ ГЛАЗАМИ РЕСПУБЛИКАНЦА БЕТТАНКУРА РОДРИГЕША И ЕГО РАБОТА В МИНИСТЕРСТВЕ ИНОСТРАННЫХ ДЕЛ: (НЕ)ОТЧУЖДАЮЩИЕ ГРАНИЦЫ МЕЖДУ
"БРАТСКИМИ НАРОДАМИ"
Аннотация. В статье рассматривается лузо-бразилиеризм как историческая концепция, предполагающая интеграцию Португалии и Бразилии. Хотя эта концепция имеет различные толкования, особое внимание уделяется взглядам Беттанкура Родригеша (1954-1933) и его доктрине международных отношений.
Ключевые слова: Португалия, Бразилия, лузо-бразилиеризм, международные отношения, Беттанкурт Родригеш.
Bearer of an idea to allow Portugal to wielder in the international spheres after World War I, António Maria de Bettencourt Rodrigues – Portuguese Republican of the nineteenth-century, physician and diplomat, Minister Plenipotentiary of Portugal in Paris at the time of the I Portuguese Republic in 1915 and later, between 1917 and 1919, integrating, in that year, the cast of the
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first Portuguese Delegation sent to the Peace Conference1 -; he was Minister of Foreign Affairs of Portugal between 1926 and 1928, during the military dictatorship that would build the Estado Novo (New State). In this period, and more concretely since the beginning of the last century, our diplomat sought to increase relations between Brazil and France and, later, between Portugal and Brazil, despite the approximations to the Spanish Republics. In the ideas of Bettencourt Rodrigues, the conceptualization of a refuge for all of Latins was cherish by the extensiveness of the frontier that would unite or, on the contrary, would dispel the lines that separated the cultural, economic and political relations between the two sides of the South Atlantic; in his view, Latin peoples had much more to improvement from a manifest union among themselves.
Luso-brasileirism, Luso-Hispano-Americanism, Pan-latinism and Panlusitanism in Bettencourt Rodrigues’ idea: the frontiers to be smoothed
The pan-movements as political, economic and cultural movements deserved a veiling analysis in the interpretation of Bettencourt Rodrigues, which was a clear hegemony of Portugal between the Latin nations of the Old and the
New Continents, getting the Portuguese’s the head of the destinies of Latinity, as in the Golden age of the Discoveries: the Pan-lusitanism; that signed in the words of the Author, «the superb cycle of our Navigations and Achievements»2
- the revivalism present in history – emphasizing, on the night of 24th August
1911, in a conference held at the Historical and Geographic Institute of São Paulo, that there was no «corner of the planet»3 where the Portuguese didn’t had arrived at that time. But, rebuilding more in historical time, Bettencourt Rodrigues assured the separation of the «Lion monarchy»4 (Spain), constituting Portugal as a «political individual by the effort and tenacity of our first princes and gentlemen» 5 ; the «revolution and conquest» were, then, the resources considered by the Author as fundamental in the history of Portuguese independence in the context of the Iberian Peninsula 6 . However, the author
1 Vide, Uma biografia de Antório Maria de Bettencourt Rodrigues / A biography of António
Maria de Bettencourt Rodrigues (1854-1933), in CARVALHO, Soraia Milene, A Sociedade das Nações: Europa, Portugal e Agricultura / The League of Nations: Europe, Portugal and Agriculture, Masters dissertation presented to School of Arts and Humanities, 2019, pp. 81163.
2BETTENCOURT-RODRIGUES, Patria and the People Portuguez, Livraria Classica Editora, Lisboa, 1912, p. 10.
3Idem, Ibidem, pp. 10-11.
4Idem, Ibidem, p. 13.
5Idem, Ibidem.
6Idem, Ibidem.
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highlighted the race as the clear factor in the division of the peninsula1, which perhaps seems contradictory to their convictions in the following years, but then was the evolution of their idea in the immediate context of the Great War.
Emphasize, Pan-lusitanism as a pan-movement intended the union of a lost Empire, Portugal would stay at the forefront of a grouping that would later incorporate all Latins forming a Community of interests among Portuguese speakers and countries of Latin linguistic and religious matrix. This cultural reciprocity and traditions have triggered in the idea of Bettencourt Rodrigues – as had already preceded other intellectuals in the course of the XIX and XX centuries –, the most gutted convictions of a phased approach between nations for the creation of a «Macro-nationalism»2: in the words of Louis L. Snyder, «Those who spoke romance languages, derived from Latin, were supposed to belong together in a super-state»3 (Pan-Latinism). To reinforce, Latinism was a political-cultural movement supported by intellectuals throughout the two centuries, which «agents situated on both sides of the Atlantic»4, with the aim of of «building new national and transnational identities» 5 , leading Spain and France to such movements; moreover, the amazement among Portuguese intellectuals about the domain that these two nations could manifest in Latin America – concretely, in Brazil –, but also among Brazilian intellectuals, was a symptom that originated dream-like ideas modeled by Monarchists and Republicans: the Luso-Brazilian union would be for some, the reconstitution of Portuguese El dourado, and for others the symbol of a legitimate republic. We should note that the concept of luso-brasileirism evolved in the logic of our Author; if first, in the idea of Bettencourt Rodrigues the diplomatic advances served to legitimize the Portuguese Republic, later they would serve to inspire it to change: a Federative Presidential Republic, as the Brazilian Republic. That was strode by the author as the idea to support in Portugal, for the coexistence of
«harmonics and independent powers among themselves», being the election of the President and the Vice-President held by direct suffrage and «absolute majority of votes»6. Antiparliamentary, António Maria de Bettencourt Rodrigues
Rodrigues revealed himself as a defender of the Brazilian paradigm of Republic7.
1Idem, Ibidem, p. 20.
2SNYDER, Louis L., Macro-Nationalisms – A History of the Pan-Movements, Greenwood Press, London, 1984, p. 103.
3Idem, Ibidem.
4BEIRED, José Luis Bendicho, Hispanismo e latinismo no debate intelectual iberoamericano, Varia Historia, Belo Horizonte, Vol. 30, N.º 54, Set./Dez. 2014, p. 632.
5Idem, Ibidem.
6O Estado de S. Paulo, 7 de Abril de 1913, pp. 2-3.
7CARVALHO, Ibidem, p. 110.
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In this manner, after the fading of the borders between Portugal and Brazil, Rodrigues anticipated the creation of a political space between the two states, which would join the Spanish republics, Spain and «the other Latin peoples of Europe» 1 , with the caution that such a movement would begin through the Portuguese and the Brazilians gathering the Hispanics afterwards and never the opposite. It should be emphasized, therefore, the preponderance required for the Portuguese in Luso-Hispano-Americanism; entering, ultimately, for this Confederate space the outstanding Latin states, because this was promoted by Luso-brasileirism – which constituted in long term – the Refuge of the latinity.
We should highlighted that «Portugal, with na área of 35,340 square miles, occupies the southwestern part of the Iberian peninsula, and is bordered by Spain and the Atlantic»2; Bettencourtian thesis emphasized the rebirth of the Portuguese Empire in the Atlantic, getting closer to the neighbour Iberian as the next step as the author equated, according to the logic prescribed by Social
Darwinism: the thought of loss Portugal’s independence within the peninsular space, concerning our author who preferred the Oceanic Frontier not profiling the thesis of Iberism. From this, it became indispensable, for the Portuguese Republican, to developed territorial and politically the country: the key resided in Brazil, the Portuguese exlibris in the American continent lost in the early nineteenth century, despite this approximation between the two sisters nations to verify themselves more intensely in the work of Bettencourt Rodrigues, in the post I World War when the Portuguese Empire was put into question by the low development of the colonies and the concept of self-determination of the peoples powered in the League of Nations. All of this sounded to a manifest deprivation of the extra-European territories, which was interpreted as an «aberration in Portuguese history»3 within the Lusitanian borders.
Thus, the luso-brasileirism as an nineteenth-century concept in the which underlies the expectation of «(...) optimising the relationship between two independent States»4, it unfolds in the multiple strands that coat it, becoming vital, presenting the dynamics that contributed to a corporealized notion in what becomes our object of research – the «Luso-brasileirism» -, transporting in itself wide senses, different interpretations and significations according to the authors and, in the specific case of Bettencourt Rodrigues; in the wake of a past that
1 BETTENCOURT-RODRIGUES, Uma Confederação Luso-brasileira, Livraria Clássica Editora, Lisboa, 1923, p. 219.
2SNYDER, Ibidem, p. 104.
3Idem, Ibidem, p. 105.
4CASTRO, Zília Osório de; SILVA, Júlio Rodrigues; SARMENTO, Cristina Montalvão
(eds.), Tratados do Atlântico Sul – Portugal-Brasil, 1825-2000, Colecção Biblioteca Diplomática do MNE – Série A, Europress, Lisboa, 2006, p. 14.
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invites and is forgotten, reporting to a colonial past. Thus, when we analyse the concept in question, we verify the representation of an idea, the script with the clues of the Bettencourtian project for its realization, through the interpretation of the strata of memory that underlie and articulate with the needs of both nations. In fact, the Author reinterpreted the antecedents that led to the independence of Brazil; in his view the history would repeat: once United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and Algarves in 1815 – at the time of the Congress of Vienna, when the Court was in Vera Cruz’s lands – there would be no reason to not unite again, this time as Confederate States1.
It will be important to emphasize that the appropriation of the concept as an intercultural community leads us «to the beginning of the twentieth century2»; as a movement with emphasis on an approximation of socio-cultural and political exchanges, it will become incorrect to address it before that time, bearing in mind that, it will be dynamized from the moment when the commemoratives, the press and the publications of works on the theme production an essential role in the propagation of these cravings in Portugal and in Brazilian lands, notwithstanding the Treaties that sought to ratify with the aim of crossing the borders in on the Portuguese markets and on the free movement of persons between the two Atlantic lands. Quoting Spencer Vampré (18881964) – Brazilian intellectual –, Rodrigues accentuated his words in order to clarify his reasoning: «Must the Pan-lusitanism counterpoints itself as a barrier of work, of justice and of mercantile and military power to any pretensions of other peoples, who wish to suppress us from the face of the earth. Because the Darwinic truth is shown in all its heinousness in the political life of peoples: the weak succumb and the strong remark triumphal»3.
The Peace Conference and the approximations to the Brazilian Delegation (1919-1920)
Pursuing the incrementation of relations between Portugal and Brazil since the late nineteenth century – when he packed his bags and departed for the
1 BETTENCOURT-RODRIGUES, Uma Confederação Luso-brasileira, Livraria Clássica Editora, Lisboa, 1923, p. 18.
2MIRANDA, Luciana Lilian, “Brasil, Visão do que fomos, do que somos e do que devemos ser”: A causa luso-brasileira em João de Barros, 1912-1922, Tese de Doutoramento em
História, Orientação Prof. Dr. Fernando Rosas; Prof. Dr. António Reis, Faculdade de Ciências
Sociais e Humanas da UNL, Lisboa, 2014, p. 15.
3BETTENCOURT-RODRIGUES, Ibidem, pp. 154-155.
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lands of Vera Cruz in 18921 -, Bettencourt Rodrigues has shown, since the beginning of the century, with special acuity for the post-World War I in the course of the Peace conference – which began its works in January 1919 – the accentuate of his attitude faced with the closer relations between Portugal and her sister of Overseas, suffering from the disincentive of the President of the Portuguese Delegation sent to Paris in that year; at the time, Egas Moniz, who was disagreeing with the position adopted by the Portuguese Delegation in the interaction with the Brazilian Delegation: Moniz considered that it would not be the cornerstone of the narrowing of economic relations and Commercial, in the immediate, with the Brazilian nation2. However, Egas Moniz would claimed to be in agreement to the Luso-Brazilian friendship in the Peace Conference observing the Brazil position in Paris: «beyond that Brazil, having made the coalition of South American republics» had in its favor-in the viewpoint of Moniz -, «nine votes in the conference»3.
We note that Bettencourt Rodrigues intended that Portugal would depart for the post-war negotiations with Brazil, since our diplomat noted that he was being treated at the conference with a special deference and, for this, the Portuguese should get closer to the Brazilian delegates 4 . The Minister considered, moreover, that such thought existed in the Brazilian mission in relation to Portugal5; it would suffice, in the view of Rodrigues, the will of the
Portuguese’s to wide such relations in a foreign environment to both nations. However, Egas Moniz didn’t breathe in applause to the idea nourished, highlighting that in its conspection, and as President of the Portuguese
Delegation, the approximation should be done in the field «affective and intellectual»6, he was recalculating the economic prism for the background at that moment, which was in contradiction with the idea of the Minister of Portugal in France, a convinced enthusiast of Luso-brasileirism as a politicalcultural effort capable of potentiate the way of these nations were seen in the Conference, in the vision of the Republican: Portugal, a «power of limited interests» - as the small powers were considered; Brazil, a non-European Power, which was worth the difference in the treatment. Thus, António de Bettencourt Rodrigues equated the Portuguese approximations at a key moment: the
1O Occidente – Revista Ilustrada de Portugal e do Extrangeiro, 1 de Outubro de 1892, 15.º ano, XV Volume, N.º 496, pp. 219-220.
2«Transcrição Integral das Actas da Delegação Portuguesa», in CRUZ, Duarte Ivo,
Estratégia Portuguesa na Conferência de Paz (1918-1919) – As Actas da Delegação
Portuguesa, Fundação Luso-Americana, Lisboa, 2009, pp. 116-117.
3Idem, Ibidem, p. 117.
4Idem, Ibidem, p. 116.
5Idem, Ibidem.
6Idem, Ibidem, p. 117.
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negotiations of the new international order; the objective would be to be equivalent – united Portugal and Brazil – as a great power, in the excuse of the Portuguese Delegation fails to achieve, by itself, the commissions it intended, with emphasis on the Reparation Commission, nevertheless, a seat in the Executive organ of the League of Nations: the Council. The author understood that from then on the world and Europe were going to be governed by the formation of large international blocs1: the connection of the nations from the confederative or federative model.
1923: «A Portuguese-Brazilian Confederation» – the emphasis on the political-cultural movement
The thought of Bettencourt Rodrigues situated in the period between wars, where the pan-movements dominated the international panorama, equated domination in the world balance of nations that knew how to put their countries to produce and export their surplus by obeying a logic of self-sufficiency in armored spaces, according to an ethnic-racial basis; the political boundaries between Portugal and Brazil were understood by the diplomat concerned as necessary as it is that, in its view, the free movement of goods and persons in the triangle of the South Atlantic that would be formed thanks to Brazil, Angola and Portugal would result in integration into a common space where the Frontier concept was understood under the prism of the demarcation of the independent territories that would integrate the Portuguese-Brazilian confederation, and ultimately, a Latin confederation. The imperial nature of the border conceptualization in the logic of Bettencourt Rodrigues is underlined: his thought was equivalent to an fading of the essentially political-economic boundaries between the Motherland (Portugal) and the ex-Colony from overseas, at the same time that each one of the nations retained its independence, notwithstanding the integration of the remaining Portuguese colonies into the confederation, when could obtain them independece; the result would therefore be the creation of a Portuguese economic Area, a conception that would rest in the second half of the twentieth century, with the purpose of a non-loss of the Portuguese Empire, in the decade of 1960, at the time of the Portuguese Colonial war.
The idea consisted in the election of a President to the Confederation, alternating his nationality each year, according to the draft Constitution provided by Medeiros e Albuquerque, in the journal O Estado de S. Paulo on 11 July
1 BETTENCOURT-RODRIGUES, Uma Confederação Luso-brasileira, pp. 18-19.
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19191. In line with this project, the Luso-Brazilian confederation would consist in the Brazilian Republic and the Portuguese Republic; each one would retain its independence in relation to them internal institutions; and the article 12 considered that as the colonies obtained their independence would be integrated into the Confederation2. Bettencourt Rodrigues sponsored the idea.
The integration of Portugal into an economic-commercial space Lusobrazilian was the idea nourished years earlier by other Brazilian and Portuguese authors3; the idea fated and reformulated by our author, resulted in regarding the economic, social and political crisis experienced in Portugal at the beginning of the decade of 19204. Trade and navigation agreements should be at the forefront of negotiations overseas: «What no other nation could give to Brazil and which are, in all seas and continents, from the African coast to the Far East, and from the Atlantic to the Indian, the indispensable elements of its commercial and maritime expansion – naval bases, support points, ports of supply and shelter»5; this would be the formula to avoid competition of Portuguese and Brazilian products equated, as Bettencourt Rodrigues understood this as one of the main reasons for removal the approximation idea: the Angolan and Brazilian products were identical and, therefore, rivals in international markets6. Therefore, there should have an economic diplomacy that would be capable to generates cooperation7.
Bettencourt Rodrigues at the Minister of Foreign Affairs: ties with Latin America (1926-1928)
During the period of the Military Dictatorship, implanted on 28th May 1926, which would build the Estado Novo, Bettencourt Rodrigues was invited by General Óscar Carmona (1869-1951) to take care of the Ministry of Foreign
1LEAL, Ernesto Castro – «A ideia de Confederação Luso-Brasileira nas primeiras décadas do século XX». In Revista Estudos Filosóficos nº 3. São João d’el-rei: 2009, p. 244. [Consultado em: 2016/10/21] Disponível em: http://www.seer.ufsj.edu.br/index.php/estudosfilosoficos/article/view/2381.
2Cit. Medeiros e Albuquerque, in BETTENCOURT-RODRIGUES, Uma Confederação
Luso-brasileira, p. 144.
3Entre os quais destacamos: Sylvio Romero, Duarte Velloso, Aldo de Cavalcanti Melo,
Medeiros e Albuquerque, João de Barros, Henrique Lopes de Mendonça, Sebastião de Magalhães Lima, Fidelino de Figueiredo, José Barbosa, Consiglieri Pedroso, entre outros autores.
4BETTENCOURT-RODRIGUES, Ibidem, p. 87.
5Idem, Ibidem, p. 204.
6CARVALHO, Ibidem, p. 130.
7Idem, Ibidem, pp. 130-131.
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Affairs 1 ; it was the crucial moment for Bettencourt to continue with his intentions in the manifest approximation between Portugal and Brazil, having in 1923 published his work a Portuguese-Brazilian Confederation, had arrived the time to try to put some of those thesis into practice, as it did not deny that its project was to add to the Foreign Affairs folder when asked to do so, but not only in relation to Brazil: «(...) I would have given evidence of little sequence of ideas if I did not take advantage of this appropriate opportunity to rehearse, although slowly but surely, the first steps towards this necessary approximation of Portugal with Spain and with all the nations, our sisters, of the Central and South America»2. In this way, the novel minister carried out the creation of
Legations «with consular functions» in Chile and Venezuela 3 ; nevertheless, having initiated the first negotiations with the «Diplomat of Cuba, in Lisbon,
Mr. D. Henrique Molina»4, concerning a trade Treaty on which Bettencourt
Rodrigues outlined its bases «in a counter-project communicated to that diplomat a few days before»5 Bettencourt finished his duties at the Ministry in November of 19286.
It should be noted that the author when he published in 1928 his work twenty-eight months in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, after abandoning the position of Minister, emphasized the importance of Luso-brazilian relations7. According to the author, Portuguese emigration was the one that most suited to
Brazil, «when well-ordered and oriented» 8 ; having a notion that the Portuguese’s that most tended to the national exodus representing «for our population a disagreement (annual average) of some 30 to 40,000 inhabitants»9. However, Bettencourt Rodrigues warned that although this reality was considered «a serious danger to our agricultural production»10, the Portuguese emigrates due to a painful reality: «to flee to misery and hunger that inexorably resulted from our deficit in the cereal production»11, which clearly lacked the bread, but also thanks to the very low wages and the lack of capital for the arrouting of the uncultivated lands, which represented «almost a third part of our
1 BETTENCOURT-RODRIGUES, Vinte e Oito Mezes no Ministerio dos Negocios Estrangeiros (De 12 de Julho de 1926 a 9 de Novembro de 1928), Livraria Classica Editora, Lisboa, 1929, p. 5.
2Idem, Ibidem, p. 91.
3Idem, Ibidem.
4Idem, Ibidem.
5Idem, Ibidem, pp. 91-92.
6Idem, Ibidem.
7BETTENCOURT-RODRIGUES, Ibidem, pp. 235-276.
8Idem, Ibidem, p. 238.
9Idem, Ibidem.
10Idem, Ibidem.
11Idem, Ibidem, p. 239.
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