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Точность представления. Как оказалось, респондентам проще вспомнить и перечислить известные им населенные пункты региона, чем указать пусть даже примерное их взаимное расположение в пространстве, на карте. Проиллюстрируем это на примере областного центра. Общеизвестно, что г. Мурманск ‒ порт, т. е. расположен на берегу (а именно ‒ на побережье Кольского залива). Большая часть респондентов расположила город в соответствии с этим на берегу или близко к нему (26/40, или 65%). В остальных случаях город нанесен вдали от берега, в глубине материка, будучи сильно смещенным на юг или юго-восток (практически в центре Кольского полуострова) или на запад, к границе с Норвегией. В одном случае Мурманск оказался размещен на п-ове Рыбачий. Из этого примера можно видеть, что если даже размещение столицы региона на карте Кольского полуострова вызвало у многих трудности, то ситуация с остальными населенными пунктами еще сложнее. Пример одной из заполненных карт представлен на рисунке.

Рис. 1. Пример заполненной респондентом карты

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«Белые пятна». Таким образом, пилотажное исследование выявило факт неразличения и смешения различных типов поселений в сознании респондентов ‒ молодых жителей региона, их склонность преуменьшать или сильно преувеличивать количество городов в области. (Сложность в отличении города от того, что им не является, в случае нашего региона имеет объективные причины, поскольку многие населенные пункты, имеющие статус города, невелики по численности населения и трудно провести границу между таким городом и поселком, различие же по критерию незанятости основной части населения в сельском хозяйстве для нашего региона также в основном неактуально). Помимо проблемы с идентификацией конкретных населенных пунктов в качестве городов, имеют место трудности с их пространственной локализацией. Респонденты в основном могут назвать и примерно разместить на карте самые крупные по численности населения города области, которые достаточно часто упоминаются в СМИ, а также добавляют к ним те населенные пункты (необязательно крупные), которые известны им из повседневного личного опыта.

Литература

1.Градостроительство. Планировка и застройка городских и сельских поселений. Министерство регионального развития РФ. Свод правил. СП 42.13330.2011. Актуализированная редакция СНиП 2.07.01-89* (с Поправкой) // Электронный фонд правовой и нормативно-технической документации. [Электронный ресурс] – Режим доступа: http://docs.cntd.ru/document/1200084712 (дата обращения: 26.07.2018).

2.Об административно-территориальном устройстве Мурманской области. Закон Мурманской области от 06 января 1998 года N 96-01-ЗМО (с изменениями на 24.12.2015) // Электронный фонд правовой

инормативно-технической документации. [Электронный ресурс] – Режим доступа: http://docs.cntd.ru/document/913501654 (дата обращения: 26.07.2018).

3.Устав Мурманской области // Официальный портал Правительства Мурманской области. [Электронный ресурс] – Режим доступа: https://gov-murman.ru/regulatory/charter_mo/ (дата обращения: 26.07.2018).

4.Численность населения Российской Федерации по муниципальным образованиям на 1 января 2018 года // Федеральная служба государственной статистики Росстат. [Электронный ресурс] – Режим доступа: http://www.gks.ru/free_doc/doc_2018/bul_dr/mun_obr2018.rar (дата обращения: 26.07.2018).

5.Глазков, К.П. Экскурсия по городу: ментальные карты как инструмент изучения образа города // Мониторинг общественного мнения:

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экономические и социальные перемены. 2013. Сентябрь-октябрь. 5(117). Стр. 135-150.

6.Есимова, А.Б., Валитова, З.Х. Представления студенческой молодежи Казахстана о регионах страны (опыт использования ментальных карт) // Социологические исследования. 2018. № 4. С. 36-42.

7.Лагодина, Е.В. Воображая город. Изучение восприятия городского пространства на примере Ростова-на-Дону // СевероКавказский психологический вестник. 2015. №13/1. С. 23-27.

8.Недосека, Е.В., Волков, В.В. Ментальная репрезентация пространства молодежи г. Мурманска // Регионология. 2014. С. 179-189.

9.Орлова, В.В., Иванова, Е.С. Ментальные образы города Томска (на примере студентов университета) // Вестник СанктПетербургского университета. Серия 12. Социология. 2014. Вып.1. С. 99108.

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РАЗДЕЛ 3.

РЕЦЕПЦИЯ ИДЕЙ ОСВАЛЬДА ШПЕНГЛЕРА В ПОРТУГАЛИИ

SECTION 3.

THE RECEPTION OF OSWALD SPENGLER’S IDEAS

IN PORTUGAL

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УДК 1(091) ББК 87.3

T. Nunes

Center for History School of Arts and Humanities University of Lisbon Lisbon, Portugal

SPENGLER’S RECEPTION IN PORTUGAL:

THE DECADENCE OF THE WEST AND ITS UNDERSTANDING

AMONG PORTUGUESE INTELLECTUALS

Abstract. As Great War ended, Portuguese belligerent efforts seemed insufficient attending to the new world order built up from Versailles Treaty and, furthermore, regarding the main characteristics underlying the relations between the Western States, namely the winners. As a winning power, Portugal struggled to accept the terms of peace negotiations which emphasized Portuguese Republican weakness among its political, military and diplomatic allies in Europe. In this context, receiving and perceiving Spengler's works and concepts on European relevance on the economic and political system after the war was uncomfortable to Portuguese authors as those ideas questioned directly republican political patterns and republican identity. This political party grew during the second half of XIX century as a nationalist movement opposing constitutional monarchy, accused of neglecting national interests and historical legacies such as the empire, left to geostrategic objectives of European empires, some of them, Great-Britain for instance, were Portuguese allies. According to these historical premises and considering Portuguese revolution in October 5th 1910, providing an institutional dimension through the construction of the republican state, our study offers an overview on the reception of Spengler's Decadence of the West in Portugal, considering the editions known in Portugal during the 1920s. On the other hand, this study aims to approach Spengler's influence among Portuguese intellectuals. For this purpose, we offer a comparative analysis of Spengler's references and ideas present in the works of Hernani Cidade and

António Mendes Correia.

Keywords: Spengler, Portuguese Republicanism, Decadence, Hernani Cidade,

António Mendes Correia.

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Т. Нуниш

Центр изучения истории Школа искусств и гуманитарных наук Университет Лиссабона Лиссабон, Португалия

РЕЦЕПЦИЯ ШПЕНГЛЕРА В ПОРТУГАЛИИ: ЗАКАТ ЗАПАДА И ЕГО ИНТЕРПРЕТАЦИЯ ПОРТУГАЛЬСКИМИ

ИНТЕЛЛЕКТУАЛАМИ

Аннотация. Когда Великая война закончилась, воинственные усилия Португалии казались недостаточными, чтобы соответствовать новому мировому порядку, основанному на Версальском договоре и на тех базовых факторах, которые определяли отношения между западными государствами-победителями. В качестве победившей державы Португалия изо всех сил пыталась принять условия мирных переговоров, что подчеркивало слабость португальской республики среди ее политических, военных и дипломатических союзников в Европе. В этом контексте освоение концепций Шпенглера о релевантной экономической и политической системе для Европы после войны было неудобным для португальских авторов, поскольку эти идеи непосредственно ставили под сомнение республиканские политические модели и республиканскую идентичность. Эта политическая партия выросла во второй половине XIX века как националистическое движение против конституционной монархии, обвиняемой в пренебрежении национальными интересами и историческим наследием, таким, как империя, которая служила геостратегическим целям других европейских империй - некоторые из которых, например, Великобритании, были португальскими союзниками. В соответствии с этими историческими предпосылками и с учетом португальской революции 5 октября 1910 года, обеспечившей институциональное измерение в строительстве республиканского государства, наше исследование предлагает обзор восприятия шпенглеровского «Заката Европы» в Португалии на основе изданий, вышедших в Португалии в 1920-е гг. С другой стороны, это исследование направлено и на то, чтобы рассмотреть влияние Шпенглера на португальских интеллектуалов. Для этой цели мы предлагаем сравнительный анализ ссылок на Шпенглера и его идеи в работах Эрнани Сидади и Антониу Мендиша Коррейи.

Ключевые слова: Шпенглер, португальский республиканизм, декаданс, Эрнани Сидади, Антониу Мендиш Коррейя.

Introduction

How Portuguese intellectuals appreciated Spengler’s work regarding the ‘Decadence of the West’?

What kind of reception did they reserve to Spengler’s ideas?

At the end of the Great War, Portuguese intellectuals struggled deeply to identify the accurate formula to overcome national problems regarding social instability, economic crisis and, not least, the most evident debility of political institutions. Neither the debate nor its intensity was strange realities in Portugal;

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just the opposite, the instauration of the liberalism at the beginning of the 19th century, accompanied by financial instability and economic crisis, drove Portuguese authors to question the possibilities of recovering, a difficult task as the European patterns changed drastically during the same period – industrialization, railways, new social movements. On the other hand, the fight between the Old Portugal, represented by political traditionalism with strong relation with Catholic Church, and the New Portugal, presented by the recent elites with heavy ties to import-export activities and afterwards with land tenures, didn’t produced a desirable outcome, according to the hopes and beliefs of 1820 liberals.

Subsequently, in Portugal, during the second half of 19th century, took place a large discussion regarding the nature and causes of national decadence1; to the protagonists of this quarrel, the origins of Portuguese decline could be found on the political option of expansion, and its consequences: reduced population, an insufficient agricultural activity which led to national dependence from abroad in primary goods as cereals. The lack of Portuguese industry came as other consequence and, as extent, was also one of the main factors to the fragile internal market along with the absence of capitals available to invest. As the national wealth didn't grow in a sustainable manner, the Portuguese state was exposed an evident weakness, materialized on the dual monarchy (1580-1640) and the lost of important parts of the Portuguese Empire.

By the beginning of 19th century, new territorial losses occurred with the independence of Brazil (1822), driving Antero de Quental, as a distinguished representative of Casino’s Conferences2, to assume the necessity of reshaping the country within a new understanding, on a federal sense, with Spain in order to reach a new European order. For the republican movement, on the other hand, the idea of a European Federation, bringing all European states into a new form of harmony – the federalist formula, built upon the republican regime – didn’t eclipse a key premise to national policy – the survival of Portuguese Empire.

Looking at geographical conditions – and its limitations – the Portuguese Republican Party considered the overseas territories as a way of securing Portuguese influence in the world and, for that reason, the guarantee of Portuguese Sovereignty in Europe. The European solution, argued by Antero de Quental, ought to be complemented by a comprehensive understanding of imperialist trends and disputes over African and Asian spheres. At the same time, should be inserted in a larger frame, related with the establishment of new economic and military centres in the so called Old Continents such as the redefinition of politi-

1António Machado Pires, A Ideia de Decadência na Geração de 70, Lisboa, Veja, 1992.

2João Medina, Conferências do Casino e o Socialismo em Portugal, Lisboa, Dom Quixote, 1984; Idem, A Geração de 70: uma geração revolucionária e europeísta, Cascais, Câmara

Municipal, 1999.

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cal borders, the rise of new powers and countries and the delimitation of its influence areas.

At the end of 19th, more precisely in 1890, the defence of the empire as Great Britain presented an Ultimatum to Portugal drove Portuguese Republican Party to reinforce the patriotic component of its political discourse, providing new echo to the republican Teófilo Braga’s writings about Portuguese identity1. By all means, for the Portuguese Republican Party, the first monarchical ally, Great Britain, was considered as the first enemy of the Portuguese nation and its interests – both in Europe and abroad. For this political movement, triumphant in October 1910, the crucial aspects to attend to were inverting the national decadence by strengthening the ties between the metropolis and all parts of the empire. On the other hand, the republican programme focused also on the reinforcement of internal investments and the promotion of human qualifications.

Nevertheless, making the republic regime work, in the short term, meant achieving an understanding with Great Britain over the institutional change in

Portugal, securing English’s neutrality and the maintenance of the alliance between the two countries in order to guarantee Portuguese sovereignty overseas. In this sense, by October 1910, the need of formal international recognition for the new Portuguese political institutions forced the Republican Party to forget some essential parts of its propaganda and presenting the recent (in fact old) alliance as a way of keeping the Empire which was elected as the formula to express Portuguese greatness.

Portuguese Republican Party didn't survive the beginning of 1912; although the fragmentation process originated the partition of the old Party in three political formations, the priority regarding the Empire and its purpose to Portuguese collective existence stood untouched. For this reason, the AngloGerman negotiations over Portuguese Empire, in 1912 and 1913, were kept secret from the national public opinion by the Portuguese Government while asking both parts for the confirmation regarding the existence of those talks. The subsequent treaty over the partition of Portuguese colonies – Angola and Mozambique -, also confidential, was seen as the return of 19th century ghosts over national extinction, taking into account the Spanish intentions of correcting the Iberian Peninsula in geopolitical terms and reinstalling the monarchic regime in the region.

As so, by the beginning of European belligerence, in summer of 1914, Portuguese authorities expressed vivid interest in having an active collaboration as a member of the alliance opposing the German Empire. This willingness strengthened as Angola and Mozambique soon became a target to the German Empire in the African Continent. Strangely, or not, since 1914 to 1916, Portugal fought a war but merely in Africa; Portuguese presence in the European fronts

1 Teófilo Braga, Epopeias da Raça Moçarabe, Porto, Imprensa Portuguesa, 1871; Idem, A Pátria Portuguesa: o território e a raça, Porto, Chardron, 1894.

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was firmly denied by Great Britain in spite of French efforts to enlarge to colligation against Germany.

Portuguese aim came to be achieved in March 1916, by the German’s declaration of war to Portugal. By the beginning of 1917, the first Portuguese soldiers arrived in northern France to fight along the European Allies. On a brief glimpse, auspicious perspectives seemed to fulfil the Portuguese Republic. Nevertheless, the internal consequences of the war effort weakened the Portuguese Republic, heavy criticized by its opponents – Catholics, Monarchists, for instance – as by republican sectors opposing to the way Portuguese belligerence happened – like the Unionists. The Army, on the other hand, showed its discontent for being forced to act on behalf of a political advantage for a political party, not recognizing the necessity of fighting in Europe but only in Africa.

In December 1917, a military coup, supported by the political groups previously mentioned, dismissed the Bernardino Machado, the President of the Republic, and the government. A “New” Republic would begin in order to stop, once more, national decadence. This new republican formula, characterised by the advent of conservative forces, based its perspectives of Portuguese resurrection through the emergence of its Empire, as a priority. And, although the war effort in Europe wasn’t contested, the general environment deepened the conditions Portuguese troops experimented in northern France.

As the war ended in Europe, Portugal was living an endemic civil war: the

New Republic didn’t survive Sidónio Pais’s murder, occurred in December 1918. Since then until 1926, political struggle witnessed renewal internal violence. As foreign relations was concerned, the “new Old” Republic, reinstalled officially in 1919, had no great achievements to present; on the opposite, Portuguese pretensions were globally denied by its allies to whom much of human losses were caused by the repression of Portuguese authorities over the African populations, mainly in southern Angola.

The Empire seemed to be safe but not without the expression of allies’ discomfort over the lack of social and economic development registered in Portuguese colonies. Somehow, the national purposes intrinsic to the war effort were, after all, far from a successful outcome.

These dilemmas were highly debated by Portuguese intellectuals whom, in the mid 20s, shared a common vision on Portugal’s mission to civilize overseas territories such as the undisputable national position of establishing cultural, social and economic bridges between different worlds, societies and civilizations. This idea, hugely emphasised in 1922, as Brazil celebrated a century of existence, played a direct influence on new patterns for Portuguese literature and historiography, as shown with History of Portuguese Colonization of Brazil1.

1 Teresa Nunes, “História da Colonização Portuguesa do Brasil”, Dicionário de História da I República e do Republicanismo, vol. II, Lisboa, Assembleia da República, 2014, pp. 276-278.

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