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1912, that «The Roman Empire and the Empire of Charlemagne did not attend to, in their formative period, to simple questions of race»1. It said, moreover, that the Roman Empire «(...) had as a representative a people in which they the most different races merged», in a «’Salmingondis Inextricavel’»2.

4.The awakening of the far-East in Bettencourtian thought

If at the dawn of the Twentieth Century, «(...) Asian civilizations and cultures had fallen under the heel of Western imperialists»3, Bettencourt synthesized the mutations that occurred ten years after the twentieth century began:

«Asia for the Asians», a kind of slogan echoed into the West’s ears by PanAsianists, was a condition cherished by the diplomat, afraid of the application of James Monroe’s thesis –American Monroism – to the Asian continent, to the extent that this implied the disruption of markets and of a new geopolitics in the short run.

Note that the condition of some Asian countries - especially Japan - in the League of Nations, where diplomatic relations in the context of the Pacific4 were getting worse, despite the interference in areas that were particularly interesting for Portuguese Republicans: Latin America and Brazil that in Portugal’s mind as Luso as all the other territories colonized by her. In addition to the so-called Portuguese Empire, that stretched to the Far East. The idea of a block «(...) For all the yellow and hindustanic peoples»5, was considered a Japanese affront to the British – and dangerous to Portuguese India (Goa, Damão and Diu), Macau and

Timor – was viewed by Bettencourt as the start of the new international order of the Peace of Versailles and the Washington Conference that had begun in 1921 and finished in 19226.

According to the author, the post-war period in Asia would continue to be felt unsatisfactorily. It should be noted that, in the wake Bettencourt’s thought, as these were non-Western countries, the treatment that was administered to them differed from the European powers. By this measure, if Spengler decided to speak of the decline to which the West seemed to be linked to, unequivocal guilt as his as well, for being unable to create a new international order in the post-war period, based upon structured pillars and where, in fact, the League of Nations was what it set out to be.

1Bettencourt-Rodrigues, A Pátria e o Povo Portuguez, Livraria Clássica Editora, Lisbon,

1912, p. 21.

2Idem, Ibidem.

3Snyder, Ibidem, p. 202.

4Telegram of the Portuguese Legation in Tokyo (22-12-1934). Commission of the mandates, MNE, Proc. 13, Mandates (S03/E95/P04/38481).

5Bettencourt-Rodrigues, Uma Confederação Luso-Brasileira…, p. 54.

6Conference on the limitation of Armament, Washington November 12, 1921 – February 6, 1922, Washington, Government Printing Office, 1922.

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Moreover, the Japanese presented a project at the Paris conference that called for racial equality at the negotiating table1. Although the Great War had dragged them into the scene of international relations2, while a people of the yellow race – an expression in use at the time – the Japanese stayed recognitionless as a world power at the level of European and American ones.

On the other hand, China’s entry into the conflict generated a double claim: «(...) to try and stop this [Japanese] threat and to try and reverse its situation of inferiority resulting from the unequal treaties, that is, to achieve full sovereignty»3, as she still tortured herself with the idea of the end of the Sinocentric world, induced by the 1895 Treaty of Shimonoseki4. Moreover, mention should be made to the ultimatum presented by Japan to China in May 1915, forcing it to recognize it hegemony, as well as the territories under the Japanese influence, notwithstanding «(...) Control of steel and iron industries in Manchuria and Inner Mongolia»5. Bettencourt Rodrigues, who kept such matters in mind, brought the Anglo-Japanese alliance back, one which, although it was made a reality, did not go against the wishes of both nations, that continued to clash because of

China: «where the Japanese [complained] of always watching the English disputing his move, i.e. for the concession of railway lines, or for the establishment of future industries, or for the exploitation of abundant mines such as coal and iron»6. In the reasoning of the Portuguese Republican, the US also embargoed the way Japan tried to exercise in the Far East «and to the detriment of other nations, its restless imperialism»7.

In this wake, António Maria Rodrigues, much appreciated the theory of the open Door regime – that the Americans would follow –; such functioned as a buffer to Asian monroism, in his opinion. Indeed, we consider the 9 power of 8 February 19228 established at the Washington Conference between Belgium, China, the United States, France, the British Empire, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, and Portugal9.

1See Imamoto, Shizuka, Racial Equality Bill: Japanese proposal at Paris Peace Conference: Diplomatic Maneuvers; and reasons for rejection, Master's thesis, Macquarie University, Sydney, 2006.

2Vaz-Pinto, Raquel, A Grande Guerra e a ascensão da Ásia – A China e o Japão, in Teixeira, Nuno Severiano, Relações Internacionais, June 2014, N. 42, Lisbon, p. 107.

3Vaz-Pinto, Ibidem, p. 111.

4«O Tratado de Shimonoseki reconheceu a independência da Coreia, a cedência da península de Liaotung e a perda de Taiwan e do arquipélago Ryukyu.» VAZ-PINTO, Ibidem, p. 111.

5Vaz-Pinto, Ibidem, p. 112.

6Bettencourt-Rodrigues, Ibidem, pp. 39-40.

7Idem, Ibidem, p. 40.

8Martins, Dora A. E., Sino-Japanese relations during the twentieth century, [S. L.]., 1995, footnote 19, p. 18. Link: Http://www.observatoriodachina.org/images/papers/e.pdf

9Chamber of Deputies, legislative session 02, IV parliamentary term, No. 60, 13 April 1923,

Opinion N.º 335, p. 5.

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At the dawn of the twentieth century, Pan-Asianism while an «(...) Ideological inclination appealing for unity under Japanese leadership had become an influential idea in Japanese society (...)»1. In the light of the events described, the diplomat believed in the formation of a «bloc for the Yellow and hindustanic races», however, under Japanese hegemony; According to him, while «the time to finalize his imperialist plan [had not yet come], Japan [was] very skillfully and surely performing it, in what [concerned] its commercial and economic expansion, even in the territories most directly subjected to English influence»2. Bettencourt Rodrigues also noted that the Japanese ships that, in increasing numbers, departed from the ports of India, had indeed increased, since, between 1912-1913, the movement of goods was at 30,000 tonnes; while in 1918-1919 it was at 530,000 tonnes, and according to the author, this last number, from the beginning of the 1920s, was already exceeding itself3. Therefore, it became evident to the diplomat that the «goods which were only twenty years ago only transported in English ships, which then discharged them to all of Hindustan, [were] now loaded, in the proportion of 90 per cent, in Japanese ships and addressed to Japanese agencies, which [kept] for themselves the monopoly of the sale»4.

Therefore, Bettencourt equated Japanese imperialism with the Germanic imperialism before the Great War. In his perspective, such «(...) did not only [intend] to dispute the United States and England’s commercial and economic tutelage that these two nations continued to exert on all peoples of the Far East»5. António Rodrigues made a point of emphasizing: «more ambitious and fully aware of its strength and prestige, especially after the victories reached over China and Russia, Japan, which so quickly managed to put herself at the level of the most advanced civilization, sees itself, as Germany saw herself in Europe, as a virtuous and strong nation, predestined to exert an overwhelming hegemony over the whole of the Asian continent, from the Indic to the Pacific, and from the coasts of Malacca, and through China, to the borders of Siberia»6. In this manner, Bettencourt Rodrigues unraveled in the «Asian monroism proclaimed by Japan»7, the answer to American monroism, a disturbing outcome for the lusos, namely in the Latin American markets8, one of the «’areas of Influence’»,

1Yoko, Kato, Japanese perceptions of China and the United States, 1914-19, in Saaler, Sven; Koschmann, J. Victor, Pan-Asians in Modern Japanese History: Colonialism, regionalism and borders, Routledge, New York, 2007, p. 67.

2Bettencourt-Rodrigues, Ibidem, p. 44.

3Idem, Ibidem, p. 45.

4Idem, Ibidem.

5Idem, Ibidem, pp. 48-49.

6Idem, Ibidem.

7Idem, Ibidem, p. 55.

8Idem, Ibidem, pp. 55-56.

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which in the words of the Japanese statesman, count of Okuma, «(...) Japan most [coveted]»1, something which Bettencourt made a point of remembering.

It should be noted that Bettencourtian thesis was imbued with the concept of civilization which it carried within itself, the idea of a Japanese Lebensraum similar to was being pondered in regards to the Germanic territory, as we have previously seen. This meant that Japan would assimilate China and its neighboring nations «(...) as it had assimilated Korea»; However, in a second phase, assisted by China, it would go on to expand on hindustanic soil. This was explained in Rodrigues' vision, through the economic potential and cultural legacy of the Japanese, lords of «rights that history, race, culture and their religion confer on them, to bestow upon the peoples of India all the benefits of civilization»2. The macro-nationalism in question – pointed out by Bettencourt in A

Confederação Luso-Brasileira: opiniões, factos e alvitres - and which was designated Pan-Asianism, as was its European counterpart of the same time - which sought to, through the League of Nations to create a Pan-Europe –, emphasizing the imminent risks that would culminate in the second part of the Great War. For Western civilization, the rise of the Asian continent meant something undesirable: the rise of the Yellow Danger, and consequently, Oswald Spengler challenged the world not to agree with him.

5. Conclusion

The continuous repetition of history, accredited by Spengler, equating imperialism with the «finishing and ending of a culture»3, like what had happened to the Roman Empire, an example given by the author in question several times, contributed to Bettencourt Rodrigues’ fears regarding the disappearance of nations that did not know how to create their own means of wealth, believing in the Lenin’s Russia as the main exporting center of cereal matter in the years following the military conflict4. It should be noted Bettencourt sought solutions for the west, discrediting what was in the League of Nations, and keeping the emergence of powers to the Orient in mind.

Hence, each grouping of Nations (Latin, Anglo-Saxon, German-Slavic,

Asian) would be a «world city» in themselves, once again Oswald Spengler’s idea, without reaching Kantian cosmopolitism – corresponding to a universal federation –, but interacting necessarily with him. Parallel to the celebrated German philosopher and historian, since such concept was so connected to the metropolises, as a zone of convergence and contact between peoples, absorbing «the juice of history», as world-decision centers5; Bettencourt Rodrigues did not hesitate to foresee Lisbon dominating the South Atlantic thanks to the trade that

1Idem, Ibidem, p. 56.

2Bettencourt-Rodrigues, Ibidem, p. 49.

3Spengler, Ibidem, p. 46.

4Bettencourt-Rodrigues, Uma Confederação Luso-Brasileira…, p. 29.

5Spengler, Ibidem, p. 48.

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she could establish with Brazil and Angola, hence becoming the port of Europe and exporting all the products of these regions to places across the world. At its highest level, we can find a Spenglerian phrase that fits it like a glove: «In the place of the world, we put a city, a point where the whole life of vast regions converges to (...)»1.

If the German philosopher wanted to convince his readers that imperialism «is a typical symbol of the end», to the extent that, according to the words of the scholar, «(...) It is pure civilization»2 in the last stage of the life cycle of a nation, Bettencourt Rodrigues did not stop giving credit to his thesis through the philosophy of history that assisted her. If for the first of these authors the empires could not be resuscitated, and if they all found their end in the likeness of their predecessors, for Rodrigues, the greatness of bygone, in a stroke o revivalism common at the time, would come back, be reborn and make history once again, through endless expansionism. The repetition, as a theory on the course of history, was evident in both cases.

Although «expansion» was taken by Spengler as «(...) The most characteristic trend of any and all mature civilization»3, it was observed that the nineteenth and twentieth centuries had constituted «a phenomenon», reaching «the summits» needed for a Universal History4. Thus, there was the prevalence of a key idea for the understanding of António de Bettencourt Rodrigues’ though, in the lines written by Spengler: «The man of the West no longer has the capacity to create a great painting, nor a great song. His architectural possibilities have been depleted a hundred years ago. He only has extensive probabilities left»5.

In the wake of this «resounding explanation» on the Decadence that positioned the West «(...) not as the center of the world, but as a place where time’s mill already touched the bottom of the well»6, the clairvoyance fell upon the vertiginous thought of Bettencourt Rodrigues. The international blocs thought up by him were in the «extensive probabilities» alluded to by Spengler, in this case, after the time of the conquests was a nostalgic gone by; ethnic-racial confederations, while the new conception of empire was formulated by the Republican, fell into an expansionist logic, meaning, a finalist one, according to Oswald’s theory. However, only with the necessary consent of the nations that could integrate the idealized confederations, would these be formed.

Consequently, the need for expansion, by exhausting so-called «Western civilization», in search for the new, was based upon the need for the union of several ethnically close peoples – in economic and commercial matters. There-

1Idem, Ibidem.

2Idem, Ibidem, p. 51.

3Idem, Ibidem.

4Idem, Ibidem, p. 53.

5Idem, Ibidem, p. 54.

6Catroga, Fernando, Os Passos do Homem como Restolho do Tempo, Livraria Almedina, Lisbon, 2011, p. 219.

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fore, the cosmopolitanism of Immanuel Kant to which Oswald Spengler could not be indifferent, was present in Bettencourt Rodrigues’ thesis, through the «commercial spirit» to which the Konigsberg philosopher attributed the likelihood of making peace, ceasing the existence of empires, the war left to be dismantled, interpreted by the Portuguese diplomat in study. However, such dismantling would be interpreted by the Germanic intellectual as the point of manifest Western rupture: the history of the History of civilization – then put forth as such –, would lose its aplomb and find itself taken back by the winds blown from the East in a time of effervescence.

Two thoughts… One single destiny, the West’s confrontation with the announced future… The war.

Sources and bibliography

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54, Set./Dec. 2014. Link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/S0104-87752014000300003 BRANCO, Teresa, A participação portuguesa na Sociedade das Nações (1920-1939): representantes nacionais e funcionários internacionais, Master’s dissertation in International Relations and European Studies, University of

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РАЗДЕЛ 4. ПЕРЕСЕКАЯ ГРАНИЦЫ:

МИГРАЦИЯ В КООРДИНАТАХ ГЛОБАЛИЗИРОВАННОГО МИРА

SECTION 4.

CROSSING BORDERS:

MIGRATION IN THE GLOBALIZED WORLD’S COORDINATES

149

УДК 172.16, 172.4, 261.7. ББК 87.6

A.Yu. Shachina, S.V. Shachin

Murmansk, Russia

THE PHILOSOPHY OF MIGRATION AND THE FRANKFURT SCHOOL: IDEAS OF FREEDOM AND HOSPITALITY

Abstract. The article is devoted to consideration of a problem of migration on the basis of I. Kant and A. Honneth’s ideas. Migration is considered as a realization of freedom of the person, but also the state as the set of institutes is also a condition of a possibility of collective freedom. The problem consists in how to coordinate individual and collective freedom. For this purpose, to the real migrants, it is necessary either to remain guests or to be integrated into a new society. The last assumes rendering to them the help in sense of the development of the ability of judgment in them, their ability to dialogue with the purpose of formation of norms with which all citizens of the state will be able to agree. Therefore, tolerance as a condition of ability to integrate migrants into the new state insufficiently. It is necessary that between communities of migrants and the society accepting them the relations which are based on mutual recognition would be established.

Keywords: migration, freedom, integration, tolerance, mutual recognition, globaliza-

tion.

А.Ю. Шачина, С. В. Шачин

Мурманск, Россия

ФИЛОСОФИЯ МИГРАЦИИ И ФРАНКФУРТСКАЯ ШКОЛА: ИДЕИ СВОБОДЫ И ГОСТЕПРИИМСТВА

Аннотация. Статья посвящена рассмотрению проблемы миграции на основе идей И. Канта и А. Хоннета. Сама миграция рассматривается как реализация свободы человека, но и государство как совокупность институтов также является условием возможности коллективной свободы. Проблема состоит в том, каким образом согласовать индивидуальную и коллективную свободу. Для этого настоящим мигрантам надо либо оставаться гостями, либо интегрироваться в новое общество. Последнее предполагает оказание им помощи в смысле развития в них способности суждения, их способности к диалогу с целью формирования норм, с которыми все граждане государства смогут согласиться. Поэтому одной толерантности в качестве условия возможности интеграции мигрантов в новое государство недостаточно, необходимо развитие практик взаимного признания между мигрантами и обществом, которое их принимает.

Ключевые слова: миграция, свобода, интеграция, толерантность, взаимное признание, глобализация.

Not acceptable the cult of values as such, representatives of the famous philosophical current known as the Frankfurt School proceed from the concept of freedom as a basic value. The authors of this report consider convincing the proposal of Axel Honneth which he formulates in his book “Right of Freedom: Essay on Democratic Morals” to understand freedom in the unity of its three

150